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标题: 勇气和觉醒:看《The Help》
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发表于 2012-1-14 22:47  资料 个人空间 短消息 
勇气和觉醒:看《The Help》

Aibileen:“我1911年生于密西西比州Chicksaw县的Piedmont农场。”
Skeeter:“在你很小的时候就知道自己会成为女佣?”
Aibileen:“是的。”
Skeeter:“为什么?”
Aibileen:“因为我的母亲是女佣,我的祖母是女奴。”
Skeeter:“你是否梦想成为什麽人?”
Aibileen点了点头:“是的。(成为作家)”


这是2011年好莱坞电影《The Help》开始时白人女记者Skeeter同黑人女佣Aibileen的对话,整部电影以Aibileen的自述融汇贯穿,展现了在黑人人权运动如火如荼的60年代,美国南方密西西比州的小镇生活。虽然白人至上和处于社会底层的黑人的被动接受命运的摆布使这个小镇有着一种“和谐社会”的气氛,但是,这只是暴风骤雨来临之前的短暂的“祥和”。

自从1954年美国最高法院的历史性的判决(Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kans.,一致裁定美国公立学校的种族隔离违背美国宪法,为消除种族隔离提供了法律依据),到约翰逊总统于1964年签署的划时代的民权法案(赋予不同种族的公民同等的权利,并为联邦政府干预南方各州的种族隔离政策提供了法律保障),美国民权运动的成功,联邦政府的积极干预和以马丁路德金为领袖的民权运动人士功不可没。但彻底改变南方种族隔离,联邦政府的干预只是外部因素。例如,1962年,James Meredith成为密西西比大学历史上第一个黑人学生,为保证他的安全,司法部长罗伯特肯尼迪向校园派遣了500名联邦警察,同时还有肯尼迪总统遣派的军事警察和国民警卫队共达5000人。然而,校园暴力依然发生,先后共有160名联邦警察和40名军人受伤。1988年的好莱坞电影《Mississippi Burning》(译名《燃烧的密西西比》),以1964年3K党谋杀三名民权运动青年(两名白人和一名黑人)为背景,揭示了当年联邦政府调查这起谋杀案的重重困难,面对白人社会的敌视,黑人的敢怒而不敢言和害怕同联邦政府的合作,以至于不得不采用非常手段来伸张正义。然而,《The Help》是一部关于美国民权运动的风格迥异的电影,从另一个角度,展现了来自种族主义笼罩下的南方社会的自我瓦解。

希望成为作家的Skeeter大学毕业,受聘为家乡报纸的一名记者。Skeeter回家,首先发现家中年老黑人女佣的失踪,而她视这位将自己带大而且为家庭服务了几十年的老人为自己的祖母。母亲的欲言又止增加了她的困惑,使她设法向闺中密友的黑人女佣Aibileen打听,却没有发现线索。同时,Skeeter不满闺中密友们的强烈的种族主义倾向,昔日好友之间渐渐产生隔阂。通过与Aibileen的私下交谈,以及纽约出版商的支持,她有了写黑人女佣的生活经历的冲动。但在当时的密西西比,任何关于种族隔离的讨论都是违法行为,将有牢狱之灾,因此,Aibileen和她的伙伴们虽然知道Skeeter的善意,但因害怕报复迫害而采取回避。

此时,这个密西西比小镇,虽然看似风平浪静,但如同即将爆发的火山。当白人警察在光天化日下对一名黑人女佣使用暴力,火山的爆发已经不可避免----不是暴力抗争,而是走出恐惧向Skeeter敞开心扉。在秘密采访中,我们了解的不仅是生活在社会最底层的黑人女佣所遭受的歧视和压迫,同时还认识了许许多多心地善良的白人,因迫于社会的偏见和压力,只能在暗中予以帮助。例如,一位黑人女佣为一名医生工作了一辈子,她每天为节省时间和几公里的路程从一块无法种植的低洼地抄近路前往医生家。某天,该低洼地的白人农场主用枪威胁,不允许她路过这片的土地。为此,医生以高于两倍的价钱买下这块土地,就是为了让她继续使用这条近路。同样,Skeeter的母亲也最终道出了年老女佣失踪的缘由:由于Skeeter的母亲在举办家宴时将女佣当作一个家庭成员对待,遭到众人排斥和公开指责,不得不当众将女佣赶出家门。但第二天,Skeeter的母亲即悄悄前往女佣家道歉,但发现她已经离走。虽然充满内疚的母亲派儿子去芝加哥将女佣接回,但女佣已经在芝加哥去世。

Skeeter以匿名出版的小说《The Help》在美国引起巨大轰动,也在小镇引起轩然大波。黑人女佣们私下里争相传阅,Skeeter也同自己的闺中密友彻底决裂,应邀前往纽约的出版社工作。Skeeter的母亲发现女儿就是《The Help》的作者,非常感慨:“勇气往往隔代相传,我很高兴你把勇气带回了这个家庭。……我从来没有这样为你感到骄傲。”而Aibileen也勇敢地主动辞去了女佣的工作,因为她将追求自己童年的梦想,成为一个作家。

小说《The Help》是白人作家Kathryn Stockett的处女作。Kathryn出生于1969年的南方,虽然没有经历60年代的民权运动,但自小生活于南方的经历依然使她能够独辟蹊径,以黑人女佣Aibileen的自述形式写下了小说《The Help》。更令人佩服的是,在被出版商拒绝60次以后,Kathryn不依不饶,最终获得出版,顷刻成为纽约畅销小说排行榜的第一名。

马丁路德金曾说“面对抉择,懦夫往往问:“这么做安全吗?”投机者往往问:“这么做有名利吗”但有良知的人却问:“这么做是对还是错?”在生活中,一个人往往必须做一个既不安全,也无名利,更不受欢迎的决定,因为良知告诉他(她)这是正确的。”因此,60年代的美国黑人人权解放运动的成功,除了外部因素,其内因则不仅仅是以Skeeter为代表的南方白人上层社会的良知的呼唤,更重要的是以Aibileen为代表的黑人阶层的自发的觉醒。

注:《The Help》荣获即将于本周日举行的2012年金球奖最佳影片,最佳女演员(扮演Aibileen的演员),最佳女配角(两个)和最佳歌曲共五项提名。在即将公布的奥斯卡奖提名中,也一定榜上有名。


[ 本帖最后由 斜桥 于 2012-1-14 22:57 编辑 ]


图片附件: The Help.jpg (2012-1-14 22:47, 33.57 K)





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发表于 2012-1-14 22:58  资料 个人空间 短消息 
1988年好莱坞电影《Mississippi Burning》(燃烧的密西西比),获1989年奥斯卡最佳影片,最佳导演,最佳男主角,最佳男配角,最佳剪辑和最佳音响的6项提名,获得奥斯卡最佳摄影奖。


图片附件: Mississippi Burning.jpg (2012-1-14 22:58, 32.19 K)





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发表于 2012-1-15 16:19  资料 个人空间 短消息 
很棒的书评,现实社会仍然需要这样的勇气和觉醒。
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发表于 2012-1-15 16:26  资料 个人空间 短消息 


QUOTE:
原帖由 袁梦 于 2012-1-15 16:19 发表
很棒的书评,现实社会仍然需要这样的勇气和觉醒。

谢谢!




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发表于 2012-1-15 16:35  资料 个人空间 短消息 


QUOTE:
原帖由 袁梦 于 2012-1-15 16:19 发表
很棒的书评,现实社会仍然需要这样的勇气和觉醒。

马丁路德金的原文:

“Cowardice asks the question, 'Is it safe?'  Expediency asks the question, 'Is it politic?'  But conscience asks the question, 'Is it right?'  And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular but because conscience tells one it is right.”

---Martin Luther King, Jr.




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发表于 2012-1-16 20:58  资料 个人空间 短消息 
美国时间2012年1月16日是马丁路德金纪念日(每年一月的第三个星期一)。附上1963年4月28日,马丁路德金在华盛顿林肯纪念碑20万群众集会上的“我有一个梦想”的演讲(稿)。一篇伟大而且震撼人心的演讲稿!

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating "For Whites Only". We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.(续)




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发表于 2012-1-16 20:58  资料 个人空间 短消息 
I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true.

So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"




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发表于 2012-1-17 18:59  资料 个人空间 短消息 
“我有一个梦想”(马丁路德金于1963年4月28日)

今天,我非常荣幸的同你们一起参加这个将成为我们国家历史上最伟大的为争取自由的游行集会。

今天,我们站在一个伟大的美国人(注:林肯)的纪念碑前。因为100年以前,林肯总统签署了《解放奴隶宣言》。这个伟大的宣言,在百万遭受不公正待遇的黑人的心中重燃希望的火焰,在他们漫长的苦难中带来欢乐。

但是,百年之后,黑人依然没有自由。百年之后,黑人依然遭受种族隔离和歧视。百年之后,黑人只是一个富裕兴旺的国家中的贫穷孤独的角落。百年之后,黑人依然处于社会的边缘,在自己国土上被抛弃被流放。今天,我们强烈谴责这种可耻的待遇。

今天,我们来到华盛顿要求政府兑现诺言。当我们国家的创始人写下庄严的《宪法》和《独立宣言》,他们保证美国人,无论白人还是黑人,不可剥夺的生命,自由和快乐。很明显,美国政府没有兑现诺言,至少在对待有色人种方面。相反,美国政府给予黑人一张“空头支票”。但是,我们不相信这个国家没有公正。这是政府兑现诺言的时候了,赋予黑人自由和公正。我们聚集在这个神圣的地方,因为没有任何时候能够比今天更有紧迫感。我们不能以循序渐进为借口呼吁冷静,相反,美国政府必须作出真正的承诺。今天,是黑奴从黑暗压迫的低谷迎来正义的阳光的时刻;今天,是我们国家从种族隔离走向兄弟般团结的时刻;今天,是让所有上帝的孩子真正享有公正的时刻。

如果我们失去今天的机会,那将成为一个巨大致命的错误。今天的形势犹如令人窒息的酷夏,我们期盼着充满生机,自由和平等的秋天的到来。1963年是一个开始。任何认为这一切只是黑人的一时泄愤的人士将被惊醒。在黑人获得他们理应享有的权利之前,这个国家不会有平静的时刻。直到正义的曙光的降临,这个国家还将笼罩在抗争和动荡之中。

但是,我必须声明,在争取合法地位的过程中,我们决不能因所遭受的苦难和仇恨而以牙还牙。我们必须有尊严有纪律地进行斗争。我们必须防止我们的斗争成为一场暴力。我们的力量来自于我们的信仰和灵魂。我们不能将所有的白人视为我们的敌人。今天,他们中的许多人也同我们站在一起,因为他们也认识到我们有着共同的目标,因为他们也认识到他们的自由同我们的自由密不可分。让我们一起战斗。

我们必须前进,决不后退。有人试探我们:“怎样才能让你们满意?”我们不会满意,只要黑人依然受到警察的粗暴迫害;我们不会满意,只要黑人依然不能在长途跋涉后入住高速公路旁和城市里的旅店;我们不会满意,只要黑人的唯一选择是从一个小的贫民窟迁移到一个更大的贫民窟;我们不会满意,只要黑人的孩子在“白人专用”的标准下被剥夺尊严;我们不会满意,只要密西西比的黑人没有投票权,而纽约的黑人不明白投票的意义。不,我们不会满意,直到干涸枯竭的公平正义之河成为奔腾不息的河流。

我非常清楚,在你们中,有人刚刚经历了巨大的磨难,有人刚刚从牢狱中解放,有人刚刚来自于那些对寻求自由的人士使用司法审判和警察暴力的地区。你们是这个艰难历程的勇士,坚持你们的斗争,保持信心,这是你们获得救赎前必然经历的苦难。回到密西西比,回到阿拉巴马,回到南卡罗莱纳,回到乔治亚,回到路易斯安娜,回到北方城市的贫民窟。不要生活在绝望中,带着希望,那就是这个现状将会也一定会改变。

我可以告诉你们,即使我们正在而且还将面临重重困难,我依然有一个梦想。

我有一个梦想,那一天,这个国家是一个人人平等的国家。

我有一个梦想,那一天,在乔治亚州,奴隶的后代和奴隶主的后代能够像兄弟般的坐在一起。

我有一个梦想,那一天,曾经弥漫着的不公正和压抑气氛的密西西比州成为自由和公正的土地。

我有一个梦想,那一天,我的四个孩子能够生活在一个国家,一个以他们的才能而不是肤色来决定他们的命运的国家。

我有一个梦想,那一天,那个曾经充满了种族歧视,那个更曾经有一个具有极端种族歧视观念的州长(注:George Wallace)的阿拉巴马,黑人的孩子和白人的孩子能够手拉手,如同兄弟姐妹。

我有一个梦想,那一天,任何人为的障碍都被消灭,所有人都能感受上帝的荣耀。

这是我们的希望,也是我重返南方的信心。有这样的信心,我们能够在绝望之山开采出希望之石;有这样的信心,我们能够将仇恨转换成兄弟般的和谐之音;有这样的信心,我们能够一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争(或入狱),一同为自由而挺身而出,因为我们相信我们终将获得自由。

终有一天,所有上帝的孩子能够将这首爱国歌曲唱出新的意义:“我的国家,自由的土地,先辈为它而牺牲,充满渴望而来的人为之骄傲。让自由的钟声在每个角落响起。”

如果美国是个伟大的国家,这一天必然到来。

(省略,参见原文)

当这一切到来时,当盼望自由的钟声响遍美国的每一个角落,我们就能够加快这个自由的进程,允许上帝的所有孩子,无论白人黑人,无论犹太人非犹太人,无论新教徒天主教徒,能够手拉手共同唱诵(注:黑人赞歌):“自由!自由!感谢主,我们终于自由!”




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